La filosofía de Jacques Derrida es conocida por estar estructurada metodológicamente sobre la cuestión de la herencia como forma general de la historicidad, que implica una complicación de los modos tradicionales de comprender el tiempo histórico. En este trabajo mostramos cómo esta concepción de la historicidad en términos de herencia y tradición se configura a partir de tres lugares genéticos: primero, tiene sus antecedentes en la fenomenología de Husserl; posteriormente, se desarrolla mediante las nociones de huella y trabajo de duelo, (...) en relación con Levinas, el psicoanálisis de cuño freudiano y la filosofía de Hegel; finalmente, llega a formularse como lógica del asedio. (shrink)

In this essay I examine Derrida’s proposal for a new understanding of responsibility in the university, as it is articulated in “Mochlos, or The Confl ict of the Faculties,” together with remarks made in “The Principle of Reason: The University in the Eyes of its Pupils” and “The University Without Condition”. I argue that this account of responsibility, while sharing some characteristics with Derrida’s later theorizations, enacts an inheritance of Kant and places an emphasis on community that is unique in (...) Derrida’s oeuvre. (shrink)

Allí donde Lacan afirmaba que la carta siempre llega, Derrida defiende la necesidad de su diseminación por el simple hecho de la iterabilidad del significante. Sus lecturas de Pascal, Baudelaire y Lacan son reflexiones sobre la imposibilidad de cerrar el círculo de la autoridad sociosimbólica. Este artículo utiliza esas lecturas para dar cuenta de las limitaciones gnoseológicas, basadas en la filosofía hegeliano-lacaniana desarrollada por Slavoj Žižek, de la hiperstición aceleracionista.

En el presente escrito intentaremos mostrar cómo dos nociones fundamentales en la ética de Emmanuel Levinas, a saber, la idea de Dios y la responsabilidad, pueden comprenderse, respectivamente, como el infi nito actual y el infi nito potencial, según la distinción clásica sugerida por Aristóteles. Además, haremos ver que ambos infi nitos sí pueden existir, siempre y cuando se comprendan desde una ética de la alteridad.

En este artículo se plantea la hipótesis interpretativa de que una lectura retrospectiva de los textos en los que Emmanuel Lévinas se refirió a la muerte, permitiría captar si sus análisis estaban ya en los primeros trabajos de su formulación ético-metafísica, en la base del pluralismo del cara-a-cara. Con el fi n de mostrar esta hipótesis se revisan las menciones a la muerte en las obras levinasianas invirtiendo la habitual cronología ascendente.

El objetivo del artículo es, en el cruce entre dos textos de Derrida sumamente contemporáneos reconocer el enfoque de la fenomenología trascendental característico del pensador francés. En relación con el primero, se plantea en qué medida o bajo qué condición la reducción trascendental puede estar asociada a la locura, al silencio y a la violencia. En relación con el segundo, se indaga en qué medida la noematicidad volvería insumisa la fenomenología trascendental al esquema de la Vorhandenheit.

El propósito de este monográfi co es entablar diálogos cruzados o recuperar algunos de los diálogos que son la urdimbre del pensamiento de Levinas y Derrida. Este número polifónico ofrece la oportunidad de escuchar algunas voces con, contra, desde, por, para las cuales escribieron estos dos fi - lósofos de la alteridad. Por ello quienes lean los trabajos incluidos en este monográfi co no encontrarán artículos duales o marcados por los binomios. En cambio, se enfrentarán a posibilidades, a huellas, a (...) rostros, a deudas, a duelos, a fantasmas, a alteridades que hablan desde los márgenes con otros sobre lo otro. Hallarán diálogos cruzados sobre la alteridad. (shrink)

The democratic backsliding that has accelerated across the globe over the past decade has included a rollback of liberal arts and sciences as a system of university education. This essay explores the origins and goals of the global LAS education reform movement. I argue that while the movement is under threat largely due to its principled value of educating democratic citizens, it still has powerful potential and global impact; in part because LAS education is primarily an indigenous phenomenon adapting to (...) local circumstances. I also argue that U.S. universities could contribute more constructively to the movement if they conceived of their role as global civic actors that conduct themselves in the spirit of mutuality and reciprocity, not as multinational corporations that channel neoliberal tendencies to maximize revenue. U.S. critics of the global LAS movement should also pay heed to the United States’ own history. Specifically, they can learn from historically Black colleges and universities how, operating under the extreme authoritarianism of the Jim Crow era, they managed to produce leaders who shaped a more democratic country. Liberal arts education produces short term benefits for students and alumni, but in the democratic context it is a long-term wager. (shrink)

What is political about political refugeehood? Theorists have assumed that refugees are special because their specific predicament as those who are persecuted sets them aside from other “necessitous strangers.” Persecution is a special form of wrongful harm that marks the repudiation of a person's political membership and that cannot—contrary to certain other harms—be remedied where they are. It makes asylum necessary as a specific remedial institution. In this article, I argue that this is correct. Yet, the connection between political membership, (...) its repudiation, and persecution is far from clear. Drawing on normative political thought and research on autocracies, repression, and migration studies, I show that it is political oppression that marks the repudiation of political membership and leads to various forms of repression that can equally not be remedied at home. A truly political account moves away from persecution and endorses political oppression as the normative pillar of refugeehood and asylum. (shrink)

How should we understand the relationship between global justice and global democracy? One popular view is captured by the aphorism “No global justice without global democracy.” According to Dryzek and Tanasoca's reading of this aphorism, a particular form of deliberative global democracy is seen as the way to specify and justify what global justice is and requires in various contexts. Taking its point of departure in a criticism of this proposal, this essay analyzes how to best understand the relationship between (...) global justice and global democracy. The aim is not to offer a first-order substantial account of this relationship, but to theorize the normative boundary conditions for such an account; that is, the conditions that any plausible theory should respect. These conditions take the form of what is here called a “three-layered view,” which is specified through three claims. It is argued, first, that global democracy is best seen as a partial normative ideal; second, that global democracy must be grounded in fundamental principles of justice; and third, that global democracy is an ideal through which applied principles of distributive justice are formulated and justified in light of reasonable disagreement about what justice requires. (shrink)

Several decades of scholarship on international nongovernmental organizations have established their important role in leading cosmopolitan political projects framed around moral ideals of global justice. But contemporary legitimacy crises in international liberalism call for a reexamination of NGOs’ global justice activism, considering how they should navigate the real-world moral contestations and shifting power dynamics that can impede their pursuit of justice. Recent work by deliberative-democratic theorists has argued that NGOs can help resolve disputes about global justice norms by facilitating legitimate (...) communicative exchanges among the diverse political voices of subjected global communities on the correct interpretation and implementation of global justice norms. In response, this essay argues for an expanded account of the political roles of NGOs in global justice activism, which reflects greater sensitivity to the multifaceted political dynamics through which power in real-world global politics is constituted and contested. It is shown that in some NGOs’ real-world operational contexts, structural power imbalances and social division or volatility can undercut the operation of the ideal deliberative processes prescribed by democratic theory—calling for further attention to work focused on mitigating power imbalances, building solidarity, and organizing power in parallel or as a precursor to deliberative-democratic processes. (shrink)

The conflict in Ukraine indicates some of the features of a potential post-liberal order and raises several potential ethical issues that may arise for international interventions as the world changes. What types of interventions, if any, are justifiable in response to situations such as the one in Ukraine? Can interventions be permissible given the potential undermining of universalist claims that are often used to support them? How should states prioritize between situations if there is an even greater number of global (...) challenges in a post-liberal order? Three new books—Solferino 21 by Hugo Slim, Decolonizing Human Rights by Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim, and Promoting Justice across Borders by Lucia Rafanelli—can help to navigate these questions. Drawing on their insights, this essay argues that reform interventions can be justified to defend the liberal international order, that intervention can be defended from a relativist basis, and that socioeconomic rights should be given greater priority. (shrink)

What does vaccine justice require at the domestic and global levels? In this essay, using the COVID-19 pandemic as a backdrop, we argue that deliberative-democratic participation is needed to answer this question. To be effective on the ground, abstract principles of vaccine justice need to be further specified through policy. Any vaccination strategy needs to find ways to prioritize conflicting moral claims to vaccine allocation, clarify the grounds on which low-risk people are being asked to vaccinate, and reach a balance (...) between special duties toward countrymen and universal duties toward foreigners. Reasonable moral disagreement on these questions is bound to exist in any community. But such disagreement threatens to undermine vaccine justice insofar as the chosen vaccination strategy lacks public justification. Inclusive democratic deliberation about vaccine justice is a good mechanism for tackling such moral disagreement. By allowing residents and citizens to participate in the specification of abstract principles of vaccine justice, and their translation into policy, democratic deliberation can enhance the legitimacy of any vaccination strategy and boost compliance with it. (shrink)

Global governance ought to uphold global justice, a purpose that various institutions and instruments of global governance acknowledge more or less explicitly. Yet, to be effectively implemented, ethical principles of justice must first be “translated” into concrete policy. This formative and interpretive exercise—of determining what justice means and practically requires—leaves a lot of discretion to those making the interpretations, thereby raising important ethical dilemmas.

In recent years, the outbreak and persistence of COVID-19 has greatly changed the way people work, and encouraging employees to work online from home has become a new form of work for organizations responding to the epidemic. Based on the W-HR model, this paper explored supervisor support as a situational resource in the context of online office, aiming to verify the changes in work-family status caused by individuals facing the background of supervisor support, and then relate employees’ proactive behavior. Meanwhile, (...) the predicted moderating effect of job role identification on supervisor support and work-family conflict was verified by considering the role identification generated in the positive interaction between employees and supervisors as individual resources. In this study, 555 employees from enterprises in the provinces of Jiangsu and Guangdong were selected as the research participants, and data were recovered at two time nodes. The results show that: Perceived supervisor support significantly relates employee proactive behavior. Work-family conflict mediates the relationship between perceived supervisor support and employee proactive behavior. Job role identification has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between perceived supervisor support and work-family conflict, and high level of job role identification moderated the mediating effect of work-family conflict on perceived supervisor support and employee proactive behavior significantly. This paper expands the research perspective of employee proactive behavior. It can be used as a reference for enterprises to formulate strategies to improve employee proactive behavior in the process of digital reform. (shrink)

Nick Bostrom considered a number of simulations and contended that the probability that we are living in one of them is high or at least nonzero. I present arguments to refute the claim that we are or might be in any one of them.

Purpose This study investigates the incidence of ethical violations in the Ghanaian press which has become topical in the wake of misinformation in a charged political atmosphere. Public interest institutions have questioned the unprofessional conduct of journalists covering election campaigns in recent years. This study content analysed political stories from two leading Ghanaian newspapers to determine the nature and extent of ethical violations, and to examine the level of prominence accorded to political news stories by the two dailies. Design/methodology/approach This (...) paper relied on qualitative content analysis for data gathering and analysis. A total of 387 political news items published between 1 October and 30 November 2020, were analysed. Findings This study found infractions of various nature to Article 1 of the Ghana Journalists Association codes of ethics, chief among which is the deliberate publications of news stories without cross-checking facts. Other infractions to Articles 17, 11, 6 and 5 of the GJA codes of ethics were observed. Political news coverage favours the governing New Patriotic Party and the main opposition National Democratic Congress than any other parties, with the two parties given greater prominence and salience by the Ghanaian press. Originality/value The research makes a modest contribution to the growing concern of journalism ethics in an increasing ecology of fake news. (shrink)